Speakers of any language have to keep constant track of reference to different individuals when telling a story or describing an event. In English, pronouns such as he, she, they help with this, since they distinguish the gender of single individuals and also whether there is more than one person. Kashaya makes exactly the same distinctions using the pronouns mu·kinʔ, manʔ, and ma·caʔ, but this still leaves a lot of ambiguity when several individuals are part of the discussion. The issue really only arises for third-person pronouns, since first and second-person reference depends on the people who are directly interacting in the conversation.
Unlike English, Kashaya has special terms that explicitly indicate reference to an individual who has already been mentioned; in English, this is a bit like saying he himself, or her own (mother). Oswalt calls these reflexive forms, but that is a somewhat unusual use of the term, so I will call them coreferential, since they share reference with a preceding part of the sentence. A related concept in linguistics is a logophoric pronoun, for verbs that describe someone's speech, thoughts, or feelings; this is just one possible use of the coreferential pronouns in Kashaya.
There are two major contexts where coreference is expressed: in the third-person pronouns, and in the third-person possessive prefixes of kinship terms.
Pronouns
The coreferential pronoun in Kashaya is /ti/, plus the different case forms based on it. Alternatively, the clitic /yac/ can be added, with the case forms associated with that element; this conveys a certain respect or agency, but also seems to be common when the meaning is plural.
ti ~ ti· |
tiyaʔ |
he himself, she herself, they themselves |
as the agent of a verb |
tito |
tiya·col |
(to) him, her, them (self); his, her, their (own) |
as the patient of a verb, object of a postposition, body-part possessor |
tiʔkʰe |
tiya·coʔkʰe |
for him, her, them (self); his, her, their (own) |
as a benefactive or general possessor |
titoʔna |
tiya·coʔna |
where he, she is / they are; at his, her, their (own) place |
at a location associated with the coreferent |
The following examples illustrate the use of the coreferential pronoun in its basic form, as the agent or actor in its clause.
- kihlaʔ cohtóʔ da·qaʔ [ ti· cohtocí·dal i ]
- Still he wanted to go out [ to where he used to go ]
- maʔú ʔdom bihše ʔem ʔen sʼiw idom [ ti cohtoʔ wa·yi ]
- This is what the deer had done [ before she went away ]
- duwi yaʔ [ ti· qʼácʰmamuʔti ] šiyiʔ
- Coyote said that [ he would race ]
- maʔu [ ti· ʔaca· cóhtoʔ wa·yi ] ʔul ʔahšá ʔwa· bácʰqaw
- [ Before he went home ], he planted the fish
- mu qʰawaʔla ʔem mul ʔima·ta ʔaná· da·qaʔ [ ṭʰoʔó·koyʔmeto cʼa·háʔ da·qaʔ ti· ]
- Heron really liked that woman; [ he wanted to marry that cricket lady himself ]
- [ kuhnu ti· bumucí·dal ] ṭʼí· cʰiʔdícʼbiw
- He took all of the beads [ that he had eaten ]
- [ ti· qʰama núwawa·dal i ] mi· šude·du
- She led him there, [ along where she had chased him ]
- mul ka·kánʔ ṭʼo dicʼi·du mul micé·du [ tí· cadu ] [ mu pʰala ti· šoʔ ]
- My grandmother told this, saying that [ she herself saw it ] and [ she also heard it ]
- duʔyaqá·du šiyiʔ ʔul [ ʔama· ṭʼi· ti cadu ]
- She said that she remembered [ all the things she saw ]
- [ baqʼo tí· ci·cʼinʔkʰe ] dú·ciʔ tʰin
- He didn't know [ what he would do ]
- ma·caʔ mul ʔama šíhcimaʔ [ tíyaʔ nohpʰo· li ]
- They named that place [ where they lived ]
- [ tiyaʔ maʔáʔkʰe tʰin inati ] soh šamew
- [ Although they were not going to eat it ], they butchered it.
These sentences illustrate the patient, undergoer, or body-part possessive function.
- bihše ʔel [ tito mihya tol ] mahqáw
- He had Deer cross over [ on his neck ]
- [ tito men sʼíw ʔtʰin ] šiyiʔ
- He said that [ he didn’t do those things himself ]
- [ tito dacʰácʼba ] [ tito šude·cʼíʔ ] nihcedu
- He said that [ after having caught him ], [ they led him away ]
- dicʼi·duwá·du [ baqʼo ti· heʔén sʼiw ] [ tito pʰala héʔen sʼiw ]
- He told about [ what he had done ] and [ what had happened to him ]
- [ tito heʔen šuʔumʔkʰe tʰin ] nihcedu
- She said that [ she could not forget it ]
- mi· tow maceʔ ʔul mó·dem [ tiyá·col tolhqʰaʔ ]
- They waited there while he was running [ towards them ]
These show the benefactive ("for") or general possession.
- [ tiʔkʰe ] men máyʔma muʔtʼáhqawaʔ nihcedu
- She said that they cooked food [ for her ] separately
- [ tiʔkʰe ʔáca· ] cʰiʔdicʼbi· kúhnu ʔel
- He took the beads [ to his home ]
- mi· [ tiʔkʰe cahti ] doʔqʼóʔdiʔ
- He prepared [ his bed ] there
- weʔe· ʔaca· [ tiʔkʰe qanemaʔ nohpʰo·li ] ma·duʔ
- He arrived way over at the home [ where his relatives lived ]
- šaba·du [ tíʔkʰe naṭa yya ]
- He taught [ his own children ]
- ʔul [ tiyá·coʔkʰe maʔa ] ʔul qahyé·ba qʼáhcaduʔ
- [ When they had finished their food ], they put the rest away
The locative form is not common, but occurs in the next sentence.
- ʔima·ta ʔem [ titóʔna ] kʼasitʼánʔqawe· mu·kito
- That woman thinks he is bothersome [ at her place ]
Notice that the first mention of the reference, to which the /ti/ form also refers, does not need to be in the same sentence (first example), but can simply be part of the preceding context (second example).
- mu ʔama·la ʔem pʰala [ tiʔkʰe ʔáca ] hqowiʔ
- Rabbit returned [ to his home ]
- pʰalá hqowiʔ . mi· nóhpʰow [ tiʔkʰe ʔáca· ]
- She returned. They stayed there [ at her home ]
Since multiple individuals may be part of the discussion, it is more precise to say that /ti/ makes reference to the one who is currently the focus of the narrative, which is related to the agent role in the switch reference system. [More examples need to be collected to illustrate this pattern in Kashaya. O'Connor and Mithun discuss the same issue in Northern and Central Pomo.]
Kinship possession
In addition to the coreferential pronouns, Kashaya kinship terms have a special possessive prefix /ma-/ that has the same coreferential function for the person in the kin relation, as opposed to /miya-/ that is non-coreferential possession.
- [ mahal ] maʔa háṭʼa· tʼanʔqaw.
- He was so stingy with food [ to his wife’s brother ].
- mulído mensʼi·li [ mahṭʰel tubícʰqaba ] haʔbeṭi cahcíhqaw
- He [ helped his mother get up ] and sat her in a certain place.
- [ maʔdaqʰá·del cohto ] ʔíʔkʰe tʰin manʔ
- She shouldn’t be [ with her husband ]
- [ maʔdaqʰá·del cohšo ] pʰaʔsʼáṭʰmame·du
- She would strike [ her husband’s hand ]
- mu·kinʔ da·qáʔ tʰin [ mul maṭʼikil cicʼi·du ]
- He didn’t like [ what had been done to his younger brother ]
- ʔima·ta qʼo hiʔbayá qʼo nohpʰow he· [ mahṭʰeyi ]
- A man and woman were living together [ with his mother ]
- [ makíl qʰaʔdí· ] min šiyi·cʼinnam
- I heard him say something like [ he went to get his older brother ]
- [ maʔe cohtóʔyal i ] mi· wá·du
- He went along [ where his father had gone ]
- naṭa qawi ʔem [ maʔe mín ] mabícʰmaw
- The baby looks [ like his father ]
- naṭa yya ʔem [ maʔéʔkʰe qʰama ] dé·cʼin míl pʰila·cʼ
- The children are going along and following [ their father’s footprints ]
- mi· šokó·du [ mabáʔna ]
- He stayed there [ at his father-in-law’s place ]
- [ mahṭʰéʔna ] šuʔdima·cʼiʔ
- They arrived [ at their mother’s place ]
- [ men maʔdaqʰá·deʔna ] hcaluw
- She arrived [ where her husband was ]
In contrast, the following examples illustrate non-coreferential /miya-/.
- mensʼiwem ʔul miyá·diki ʔaná· ši·batʰqacʼin ʔul [ maʔdaqʰanʔ cohtocí·dem ] maʔu ʔul [ maṭʼikil maʔa dihqací·du ]
- He being that way, [ the sister ] felt sorry (for Scaup), and [ whenever her husband went out ] she [ gave her younger brother food ].
- mulído [ miya·ṭʰe ] mi· men tubíʔ tʰin miṭiw
- [ His mother ] lay there not getting up.
- mensʼiba [ miyá·pʰaki mácʼba ] cʰide·bíʔ.
- Then [ her son entered ] and lifted her up.
- men ido maʔu [ miyá·kil ] ʔašolhqʰáʔ cohtocʰqaw.
- Now (the Creator) sent [ the older brother ] southward.
- mensʼiba [ miyá·ṭʼikil ] cuhulalhqʰáʔ cohtocʰqaw.
- Having done so, he sent [ the younger brother ] northward.
- [ maṭʼikil ] “ma ʔé· cuhulálhqʰaʔ cohtócʼkʰe” nihcedu.
- [ To his younger brother ] he said, “You will go to the north.
- [ duwi ʔel pʰala miyá·ṭʰel pʰala ] maʔu ʔe· [ miyá·ṭʰel ʔṭʼo cʰoyíʔli ] kʼaye·ma cícʼba nohpʰow
- [ Both Coyote and his mother ] were growing still older. [ When the mother died ], (Coyote) came to live alone.
The coreferential kinship terms seem to have stricter requirements about where the possessor appears in the syntactic structure – perhaps as the subject of the full sentence. This observation might be related to the fact that they express possession, in which case forms like /tiʔkʰe/ might have a similar restriction. More investigation is required.
These sentences include /ti/ forms as well as kinship terms.
- men šabá·du [ tito mahṭʰe šaba·dal men ]
- He instructed them [ as his mother had instructed him ]
- mulído daʔtʼabiw [ tito tólhqʰaʔ šihmi dúda·la· wa·dem mapʰá·ki ]
- She must have detected [ her son walking towards her with his weapon aimed ]
- bahnatá·duce·du [ he· ti· maʔé qʼo ]
- He was always asking [ whether he had a father ]
- [ tito macusʼáʔli ] mul ʔul baʔyaʔ
- [ When they called him uncle ], he understood
- [ maʔdaqʰá·del šude·duʔ ] [ tíyaʔ naṭa qaʔcʼaṭá·cʼiʔ šocál li ]
- [ He led his wife away ] to where they had heard the child go crying
- [ tiyá·coʔkʰe šihmi ṭʼí· ] mul dihqa· [ miyá·cusʼ yacʰma ]
- [ The uncles ] gave [ all their weapons ] to him